Thomas E. Dewey was born on this day, March 24, in 1902.

As Governor of New York, Dewey supported and signed into law the nation's first*-ever statewide civil rights law, making New York the first* state in the country to enact legislation prohibiting discrimination in employment based on race, creed, color, and national origin.

The law, and Dewey's enforcement, was very effective. It eliminated discrimination faced by African-Americans and other minorities. It rid New York of Jim Crow trains and saw four times as many black women employed as previously. Dewey went on to enact laws outlawing racial and religious discrimination in both higher education and in public housing.

Dewey's faith in polls was well-known. In 1940 he had declared:

‘‘Never argue with the Gallup Poll. It has never been wrong 
and I very much doubt that it ever will be.’’

In 1944, he became the first-ever presidential nominee born in the 20th Century, and at age 42, the youngest Republican presidential nominee in history. Dewey is the only Republican to be nominated for President twice and lose both times. The mustachioed Dewey was the last presidential nominee with facial hair.

During his career, he was considered the greatest lawyer in America (see below).
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THOMAS EDMUND DEWEY

was born March 24, 1902 in Owosso, Michigan, where he grew up, and where his father owned, edited, and published the newspaper, the Owosso Times. His mother, Annie (Thomas), whom he called "Mater," bequeathed her son "a healthy respect for common sense and the average man or woman who possessed it." She also left "a headstrong assertiveness that many took for conceit, a set of small-town values never entirely erased by exposure to the sophisticated East, and a sense of proportion that moderated triumph and eased defeat."

One journalist noted that "as a boy he did show leadership and ambition above the average; by the time he was thirteen, he had a crew of nine other youngsters working for him" selling newspapers and magazines in Owosso. In his senior year in high school he served as the president of his class, and was the chief editor of the school yearbook. His senior caption in the yearbook stated "First in the council hall to steer the state, and ever foremost in a tongue debate," and a biographer wrote that "the bent of his mind, from his earliest days, was towards debate." While growing up, he was a member of the choir at Christ Episcopal Church, Owosso, Michigan. He was an excellent singer with a deep, baritone voice, and in 1923 he finished in third place in the National Singing Contest. He briefly considered a career as a professional singer, but decided against it after a temporary throat ailment convinced him that such a career would be risky. He then decided to pursue a career as a lawyer.

He graduated from the University of Michigan in 1923,, where he wrote for The Michigan Daily, and from Columbia Law School in 1925.

MARRIAGE and PERSONAL LIFE

On June 16, 1928, Dewey married Frances Eileen Hutt, a native of Sherman, Texas. She was a stage actress; after their marriage she dropped her acting career. They had two sons, Thomas E. Dewey Jr. and John Martin Dewey. Although Dewey served as a prosecutor and District Attorney in New York City for many years, his home from 1939 until his death was a large farm, called "Dapplemere," located near the town of Pawling , New Yorksome 65 miles north of New York, New York.

According to biographer Richard Norton Smith, Dewey "loved Dapplemere as [he did] no other place," and Dewey was once quoted as saying that "I work like a horse five days and five nights a week for the privilege of getting to the country on the weekend." In 1945, Dewey told a reporter that "my farm is my roots ... the heart of this nation is the rural small town." Dapplemere was part of a tight-knit rural community called Quaker Hill, which was known as a haven for the prominent and well-to-do. Among Dewey's neighbors on Quaker Hill were the famous reporter and radio broadcaster Lowell Thomas, the Reverend Norman Vincent Peale, and the legendary CBS News journalist Edward R. Murrow. During his twelve years as governor, Dewey also kept a New York City residence and office in a Suite 1527 of The Roosevelt Hotel. Dewey was an active, lifelong member of the The Episcopal Church.

AMERICA'S GREATEST LAWYER

Dewey first served as a federal prosecutor, then started a lucrative private practice on Wall Street; however, he left his practice for an appointment as special prosecutor to look into corruption in New York City—with the official title of Chief Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York. It was in this role that he first achieved headlines in the early 1930s, when he prosecuted bootlegger Waxey Gordon.

Dewey used his excellent recall of details of crimes to trip up witnesses as a federal prosecutor; as a state prosecutor, he used telephone taps (which were perfectly legal at the time) to gather evidence, with the ultimate goal of bringing down entire criminal organizations. On that account, Dewey successfully lobbied for an overhaul in New York's criminal procedure law, which at that time required separate trials for each count of an indictment. Dewey's thoroughness and attention to detail became legendary; for one case he and his staff sifted "through 100,000 telephone slips to convict a Prohibition-era bootlegger."

SPECIAL PROSECUTOR

Dewey rocketed to fame in 1935, when he was appointed special prosecutor in New York County (Manhattan) by Democrat Governor Herbert H. Lehman. Organized crime and political corruption had gotten out of hand, and the District Attorney was under fire for doing little or nothing about the situation. Lehman, to avoid charges of partisanship, asked four prominent Republicans to serve as special prosecutor. All four refused and recommended Dewey.

Dewey moved ahead vigorously. He recruited a staff of over 60 assistants, investigators, process servers, stenographers, and clerks. New York Mayor Fiorello H. La Guardia assigned a hand-picked squad of 63 police officers to Dewey's office. Dewey's targets were organized racketeering: the large-scale criminal enterprises, especially extortion, the "numbers racket" and prostitution. One writer stated that "Dewey ... put on a very impressive show. All the paraphernalia, the hideouts and tapped telephones and so on, became famous.

More than any other American of his generation except Charles Lindbergh, Dewey became a creature of folklore and a national hero. What he appealed to most was the great American love of results. People were much more interested in his ends than in his means. Another key to all this may be expressed in a single word: honesty. Dewey was honest."

One of his biggest prizes was gangster Dutch Schultz, whom he had battled as both a federal and state prosecutor. Schultz's first trial ended in a deadlock; prior to his second trial, Schultz had the venue moved to Malone, New York, then moved there and garnered the sympathy of the townspeople through charitable acts so that when it came time for his trial, the jury found him innocent, liking him too much to convict him.

THREATS TO MURDER DEWEY

Dewey and La Guardia threatened Schultz with instant arrest and further charges. Schultz now proposed to murder Dewey. Dewey would be killed while he made his daily morning call to his office from a pay phone near his home. However, New York crime boss Lucky Luciano and the "Mafia Commission" decided that Dewey's murder would provoke an all-out crackdown. Instead they had Schultz killed. Schultz was shot to death in the restroom of a bar in Newark.

LUCKY LUCIANO: Dewey's Greatest Conviction

Dewey next turned his attention to Luciano. Dewey raided 80 houses of prostitution in the New York City area and arrested hundreds of prostitutes and "madams". Many of the prostitutes – some of whom told of being beaten and abused by Mafia thugs – were willing to testify to avoid prison time. Three implicated Luciano as controller of organized prostitution in the New York/New Jersey area – one of the largest prostitution rings in American history. In the greatest victory of his legal career, Dewey won the conviction of Luciano for the prostitution racket, with a sentence of 30 to 50 years.

In January 1937, Dewey successfully prosecuted Tootsie Herbert, the leader of New York's poultry racket, for embezzlement. Following his conviction, New York's poultry "marketplace returned to normal, and New York consumers saved $5 million in 1938 alone." That same month, Dewey, his staff, and New York City police made a series of dramatic raids that led to the arrest of 65 of New York's leading operators in various rackets, including the bakery racket, numbers racket, and restaurant racket. The New York Times ran an editorial praising Dewey for breaking up the "shadow government" of New York's racketeers, and the Philadelphia Inquirer wrote "If you don't think Dewey is Public Hero No. 1, listen to the applause he gets every time he is shown in a newsreel."

ELECTORAL POLITICS—MANHATTAN DISTRICT ATTORNEY

In 1937 Dewey was elected District Attorney of Manhattan, defeating the Democratic nominee after the incumbent DA decided not to run for re-election. Dewey was such a popular candidate for District Attorney that "election officials in Brooklyn posted large signs at polling places reading 'Dewey Isn't Running in This County'."

As District Attorney, Dewey successfully prosecuted and convicted:

? Richard Whitney, former president of the New York Stock Exchange, for embezzlement.

? Tammany Hall political boss James Joseph Hines on thirteen counts of racketeering.

? American Nazi leader Fritz Julius Kuhn for embezzlement, crippling Kuhn's organization and limiting its ability to support Nazi Germany in World War II.

? 94% of all defendants brought to trial

Following the favorable national publicity he received after convictions, a May 1939 Gallup poll showed Dewey as the frontrunner for the 1940 Republican presidential nomination, and gave him a lead of 58% to 42% over President Franklin D. Roosevelt in a potential 1940 presidential campaign.

Dewey and his staff compiled a created new bureaus for Fraud, Rackets, and Juvenile Detention, and led an investigation into tenement houses with inadequate fire safety features that reduced "their number from 13,000 to 3,500" in a single year. When he left the District Attorney's office in 1942 to run for governor, Dewey said that "It has been learned in high places that clean government can also be good politics...I don't like Republican thieves any more than Democratic ones."

GROWING REPUTATION

By the late 1930s Dewey's successful efforts against organized crime—and especially his conviction of Lucky Luciano—had turned him into a national celebrity. His nickname, the "Gangbuster," was used for the popular 1930s Gang Busters radio series based on his fight against the mob. Hollywood film studios made several movies inspired by his exploits: "Marked Woman" starred Humphrey Bogart as a Dewey-like DA and Bette Davis as a "party girl" whose testimony helps convict the gang boss.

A popular story from the time featured a young girl who told her father that she wanted to sue God to stop a prolonged spell of rain. When her father replied "you can't sue God and win", the girl said:

"I can if Dewey is my lawyer."

GOVERNOR of NEW YORK: Loses in 1938, but Wins in 1942, 1946, 1950

Dewey was a lifelong Republican, and in the 1920s and 1930s he was a Republican Party worker in New York City, eventually rising to become Chair of the New York Young Republican Club. When asked in 1946 why he was a Republican, Dewey replied, "I believe that the Republican Party is the best instrument for bringing sound government into the hands of competent men and by this means preserving our liberties...But there is another reason why I am a Republican. I was born one."

In 1938 Edwin Jaeckle, the New York Republican Party Chairman, selected Dewey to run for Governor of New York against the Democratic incumbent, Herbert H. Lehman. Dewey was only 36 years of age. He based his campaign on his record as a famous prosecutor of organized-crime figures in New York City. Although he was defeated, Dewey's surprisingly strong showing against the popular Lehman (he lost by only 1.4%), brought him national political attention and made him a front runner for the 1940 Republican presidential nomination. Jaeckle was one of Dewey's top advisors and mentors for the remainder of his political career.

In 1942 Dewey ran for governor again, and won with a large plurality over Democrat John J. Bennett Jr.In 1946, Dewey was re-elected by the greatest margin in state history to that point, almost 700,000 votes. In 1950, he was elected to a third term by 572,000 votes.

TENURE as GOVERNOR: CRITICISM and PRAISE

Dewey was criticized for "cracking the whip" ruthlessly on Republican legislators who strayed from the party fold. Assemblymen found themselves under investigation by the State Tax Department after opposing the Governor over an insurance regulation bill. Others discover job-rich construction projects, state buildings, even highways, directed to friendlier legislators."

Dewey forced the legislature to reform its comfortable ways of payroll padding. He made legislative workers verify in writing every two weeks what they have been doing to earn their salary—making every state senator and assemblyman verify that they are telling the truth. This caused considerable grumbling, with some Assemblymen quitting in protest. Others were denied renomination by Dewey's formidable political organization.

Dewey did receive positive publicity for his reputation for honesty and integrity, as he

? had every prospective holder of a job paying $2,500 or more rigorously probed by state police

? accepted no anonymous campaign contributions

? had every large contributor not known personally to him investigated for "motive"

? dated autographs when he signed them, so no one could imply a closer relationship than actually existed.

? strongly supported the death penalty. During his 12 years as governor, over 90 people were electrocuted under New York authority. Among these were several of the mob-affiliated hitmen belonging to the murder-for-hire group Murder, Inc., which was headed up by major mob leaders Louis "Lepke" Buchalter and Albert Anastasia. Lepke himself went to the chair in 1944.

A journalist noted in 1947 that Dewey "has never made the slightest attempt to capitalize on his enormous fame, except politically. Even when temporarily out of office, in the middle 1930s, he rigorously resisted any temptation to be vulgarized or exploited...he could easily have become a millionaire several times over by succumbing to various movie and radio offers. He would have had to do nothing except give permission for movies or radio serials to be built around his career and name. Be it said to his honor, he never did so."

The journalists Neal Peirce and Jerry Hagstrom summarized Dewey's governorship by writing that:

"for sheer administrative talent, it is difficult to think of a twentieth-century 
governor who has excelled Thomas E. Dewey ... hundreds of thousands of 
New York youngsters owe Dewey thanks for his leadership in creating a state
university ... a vigorous health-department program virtually eradicated 
tuberculosis in New York, highway building was pushed forward, and the 
state's mental hygiene program was thoroughly reorganized."

With Jaeckle's help, Dewey also created a powerful political organization that allowed him to dominate New York state politics and influence national politics.

PEOPLE DON'T LIKE DEWEY

During his governorship, one writer observed that "A blunt fact about Mr. Dewey should be faced: it is that many people do not like him. He is, unfortunately, one of the least seductive personalities in public life. That he has made an excellent record as governor is indisputable. Even so, people resent what they call his vindictiveness, the 'metallic' nature of his efficiency, his cockiness (which actually conceals a nature basically shy), and his suspiciousness. People say ... that he is as devoid of charm as a rivet or a lump of stone."

1940 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

At age 38, Dewey sought the 1940 Republican presidential nomination. He was considered the early favorite for the nomination, but his support ebbed in the late spring of 1940, as World War II suddenly became much more dangerous for America.

Some Republican leaders considered Dewey to be too young, just three years above the minimum age required by the US Constitution, and too inexperienced to lead the nation in wartime. Furthermore, Dewey's non-interventionist stance became problematic when Germany quickly conquered France, and seemed poised to invade Britain. As a result, many Republicans switched to Wendell Willkie, who was a decade older and supported aid to the Allies fighting Germany. Willkie won the nomination, but lost to Franklin D. Roosevelt in the general election.

RIVALRY with ROBERT A. TAFT ("Mr. Republican")

Dewey's foreign-policy position evolved during the 1940s and by 1944 he was considered an internationalist and a supporter of projects such as the United Nations. It was in 1940 that Dewey first clashed with Robert Taft. Taft—who maintained his non-interventionist views and economic conservatism to his death—became Dewey's great rival for control of the Republican Party in the 1940s and early 1950s. Dewey became the leader of moderate Republicans, who were based in the Eastern states, while Taft became the leader of conservative Republicans who dominated most of the Midwest.

"For fifteen years ... these two combatants waged political warfare. Their dispute pitted East against Midwest, city against countryside, internationalist against isolationist, pragmatic liberals against principled conservatives. Each man thought himself the genuine spokesman of the future; each denounced the other as a political heretic."

In a 1949 speech, Dewey criticized Taft and his followers by saying that

"we have in our party some fine, high-minded patriotic people who honestly oppose farm price supports, unemployment insurance, old age benefits, slum clearance, and other social programs ... these people believe in a laissez-faire society and look back wistfully to the miscalled 'good old days' of the nineteenth century ... if such efforts to turn back the clock are actually pursued, you can bury the Republican Party as the deadest pigeon in the country."

He added that people who opposed such social programs should "go out and try to get elected in a typical American community and see what happens to them. But they ought not to do it as Republicans."

However, in the speech Dewey added that the Republican Party believed in social progress "under a flourishing, competitive system of private enterprise where every human right is expanded ... we are opposed to delivering the nation into the hands of any group who will have the power to tell the American people whether they may have food or fuel, shelter or jobs." Dewey believed in what he called "compassionate capitalism", and argued that "in the modern age, man's needs include as much economic security as is consistent with individual freedom." When Taft and his supporters criticized Dewey's policies as liberal "me-tooism," or "aping the New Deal in a vain attempt to outbid Roosevelt's heirs," Dewey responded that he was following in the tradition of Republicans such as Abraham Lincoln and Theodore Roosevelt, and that "it was conservative reforms like anti-trust laws and federal regulation of railroads ... that retained the allegiance of the people for a capitalist system combining private incentive and public conscience."

1944 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

Dewey was the frontrunner for the 1944 Republican nomination. In April 1944 he won the key Wisconsin primary, where he defeated Wendell Willkie, former Minnesota Governor Harold Stassen, and General Douglas MacArthur. Willkie's poor showing in Wisconsin forced him to quit the race. At the 1944 Republican Convention, Dewey's chief rivals—Stassen and Ohio Governor John W. Bricker—both withdrew and Dewey was nominated almost unanimously. Dewey then made Bricker (who was supported by Taft) his running mate. This made Dewey the first presidential candidate to be born in the 20th century.

In the general election campaign, Dewey crusaded against the alleged inefficiencies, corruption and Communist influences in incumbent President Roosevelt's New Deal programs, but avoided military and foreign policy debates. After Thomas Dewey received the Republican nomination for President in 1944, Steve Hannagan, super publicist for Miami Beach and Coca-Cola, secretly sent Dewey advice on how to contest FDR’s dominant position in the race by challenging him about his health. Dewey rejected the idea.

Dewey lost the election on November 7, 1944 to President Roosevelt. However, he polled 45.9% of the popular vote compared to Roosevelt's 53.4%, a stronger showing against FDR than any previous Republican opponent. In the Electoral College, Roosevelt defeated Dewey by a margin of 432 to 99.

Dewey nearly included, in his campaign, claims that Roosevelt knew ahead of time about the attack on Pearl Harbor; Dewey added, "and instead of being re-elected he should be impeached." The U.S. military was extremely worried because that mention of this topic would let the Japanese know that the U.S. had broken their secret codes. General George C. Marshall made a persistent effort to persuade Dewey not to discuss this topic, and Dewey eventually yielded.

1948 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

Dewey was the Republican candidate in the 1948 presidential election in which, in almost unanimous predictions by pollsters and the press, he was projected as the winner. His running mate was California governor Earl Warren. The Chicago Daily Tribune printed "DEWEY DEFEATS TRUMAN" as its post-election headline, issuing 150,000 copies before the returns showed that the winner was Harry S. Truman, the incumbent.

Indeed, given Truman's sinking popularity and the Democratic Party's three-way split (between Truman, Henry A. Wallace, and Strom Thurmond), Dewey had seemed unstoppable. Republicans figured that all they had to do to win was to avoid making any major mistakes, and as such Dewey did not take any risks. He spoke in platitudes, trying to transcend politics. Speech after speech was filled with empty statements of the obvious, such as the famous quote: "You know that your future is still ahead of you." An editorial in the Louisville Courier-Journal summed it up:

"No presidential candidate in the future will be so inept that four of his major 
speeches can be boiled down to these historic four sentences: Agriculture is 
important. Our rivers are full of fish. You cannot have freedom without liberty.
Our future lies ahead."

Part of the reason Dewey ran such a cautious, vague campaign came from his experience as a presidential candidate in 1944. In that election, Dewey felt that he had allowed Roosevelt to draw him into a partisan, verbal "mudslinging" match, and he believed that this had cost him votes. As such, Dewey was convinced in 1948 to appear as non-partisan as possible, and to emphasize the positive aspects of his campaign while ignoring his opponent.

This strategy proved to be a major mistake, as it allowed Truman to repeatedly criticize and ridicule Dewey, while Dewey never answered any of Truman's criticisms.Near the end of the campaign, Dewey considered adopting a more aggressive style and responding directly to Truman's criticisms, going so far as to tell his aides one evening that he wanted to "tear to shreds" a speech draft and make it more critical of the Democratic ticket. However, nearly all of his major advisors – including Edwin Jaeckle, Press Secretary James Hagerty, and aide Paul Lockwood – insisted that it would be a mistake to change tactics. Dewey's wife Frances strongly opposed her husband changing tactics, telling him, "If I have to stay up all night to see that you don't tear up that speech [draft], I will." Dewey relented and continued to ignore Truman's attacks and to focus on positive generalities instead of issue specifics.

Dewey was not as conservative as the Republican-controlled 80th Congress, which also proved problematic for him. Truman tied Dewey to the "do-nothing" Congress. Indeed, Dewey had successfully battled Taft and his conservatives for the nomination at the Republican Convention. Taft had remained a non-interventionist even through the Second World War. Dewey, however, supported the Marshall Plan, the Truman Doctrine, recognition of Israel, and the Berlin airlift.

Dewey was repeatedly urged to go back to his 1944 discussions of "Communist influences" in the Democratic Party administrations, but he refused to do so. In a debate before the Oregon primary with fellow Republican Harold Stassen, Dewey argued against outlawing the Communist Party of the United States of America, saying "you can't shoot an idea with a gun." He later told Styles Bridges, the Republican national campaign manager, that he was not "going around looking under beds."

"THE LITTLE MAN ON THE WEDDING CAKE"

During the 1944 election campaign, Dewey suffered an unexpected blow when a remark attributed to socialite Alice Roosevelt Longworth (daughter of Theodore Roosevelt) mocked Dewey as "the little man on the wedding cake" (alluding to his neat mustache and dapper dress). It was ridicule he could never shake. Several commentators and analysts in 1948 attributed the falloff in Dewey's popularity late in his presidential campaign, in part, to his distinctive mustache and resemblance to actor Clark Gable, which was said to raise doubts with voters as to the seriousness of Dewey as prospective leader of the Free World.

Roger Masters, a professor of government at Dartmouth College, wrote:

"The shaved face has become a reflection of the Protestant ethic. Politicians 
are supposed to control nature in some sense, so beards and mustaches, 
which imply a reluctance to control nature, are now reserved for artisans or 
academics."

Dewey grew his mustache when he was dating Frances, and because "she liked it, the mustache stayed, to delight cartoonists and dismay political advisers for twenty years."

1952

Dewey did not run for president in 1952, but he played a major role in securing the Republican nomination for General Dwight D. Eisenhower. The 1952 campaign culminated in a climactic moment in the fierce rivalry between Dewey and Taft for control of the Republican Party.

Dewey played a key role in convincing Eisenhower to run against Taft. When Eisenhower became a candidate Dewey used his powerful political machine to win Eisenhower the support of delegates in New York and elsewhere.

Taft was an announced candidate and, given his age, he freely admitted 1952 would be his last chance to win the presidency. At the Republican Convention, pro-Taft delegates and speakers verbally attacked Dewey as the real power behind Eisenhower, but Dewey had the satisfaction of seeing Eisenhower win the nomination and end Taft's presidential hopes for the last time.

Dewey played a major role in helping California Senator Richard Nixon become Eisenhower's running mate. When Eisenhower won the presidency later that year, many of Dewey's closest aides and advisors became leading figures in the Eisenhower Administration. Among them were Herbert Brownell, who would become Eisenhower's Attorney General, James Hagerty, who would become White House Press Secretary, and John Foster Dulles, who would become Eisenhower's Secretary of State.

LATER CAREER

Dewey's third term as governor of New York expired at the end of 1954, after which he retired from public service and returned to his law practice, joining a firm that soon became Dewey Ballantine Bushby Palmer & Wood, later Dewey Ballantine, LLC, (and today known as Dewey & LeBoeuf).

Although he remained a power broker behind the scenes in the Republican Party. In 1956, when Eisenhower mulled not running for a second term, he suggested Dewey as his choice as successor, but party leaders made it plain that they would not entrust the nomination to Dewey yet again, and ultimately Eisenhower decided to run for re-election.

Dewey also played a major role that year in convincing Eisenhower to keep Nixon as his running mate; Eisenhower had considered dropping Nixon from the Republican ticket and picking someone he felt would be less partisan and controversial. However, Dewey argued that dropping Nixon from the ticket would only anger Republican voters while winning Eisenhower few votes from the Democrats. Dewey's arguments helped convince Eisenhower to keep Nixon on the ticket. In 1960, Dewey would strongly support Nixon's ultimately unsuccessful presidential campaign against Democrat John F. Kennedy.

Although Dewey publicly supported Nelson Rockefeller in all four of his campaigns for Governor of New York, and backed Rockefeller in his losing 1964 bid for the Republican presidential nomination against Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater, he did privately express concern and disappointment with what he regarded as Rockefeller's "spendthrift" methods as governor, and once told him "I like you Nelson, but I don't think I can afford you." In 1968, when both Rockefeller and Nixon were competing for the Republican presidential nomination, Dewey was publicly neutral, but "privately, according to close friends, he favored Nixon."

By the 1960s, as the conservative wing assumed more and more power within the Republican Party, Dewey removed himself further and further from party matters. When the Republicans in 1964 gave Senator Goldwater, Taft's successor as the conservative leader, their presidential nomination, Dewey declined to even attend the GOP Convention in San Francisco; it was the first Republican Convention he had missed since 1936.

Although closely identified with the Republican Party for virtually his entire adult life, Dewey was a close friend of Democratic Senator Hubert H. Humphrey, and Dewey aided Humphrey in being named as the Democratic nominee for vice-president in 1964, advising President Lyndon Johnson on ways to block efforts at the party convention by Kennedy loyalists to stampede Robert Kennedy onto the ticket as Johnson's running mate.

In the mid-1960s, President Johnson tried to convince Dewey to accept positions on several government commissions, especially a national crime commission, which Johnson wanted Dewey to chair. After Nixon won the presidency in 1968, there were rumors that Dewey would be offered a cabinet position, or a seat on the U.S. Supreme Court. However, Dewey declined all offers to return to government service, preferring instead to concentrate on his highly profitable law firm. By the early 1960s, his share of the firm's profits had made him a millionaire, and his net worth at the time of his death was estimated at over $3 million (or $18 million in 2017 dollars).

DEATH

Dewey's wife Frances died in July 1970, after battling breast cancer for six years. In the autumn of 1970, Dewey began to date actress Kitty Carlisle, and there was talk of marriage between them. On March 15, 1971, Dewey traveled to Miami, Florida for a brief golfing vacation with friend Dwayne Andreas and other associates. On March 16, following a round of golf with Boston Red Sox player Carl Yastrzemski, he returned to his room in the Seaview Hotel to pack; he was due that evening at the White House in Washington to help celebrate the engagement of President Nixon's daughter, Tricia.

When Dewey failed to appear for his ride to the Miami airport, a concerned Andreas convinced the hotel management to take him to Dewey's room. They found Dewey's body, fully dressed, lying on his back across the bed, and packed to leave. An autopsy determined that he had died suddenly from a massive heart attack. He was 68 years old, dying eight days before his 69th birthday.

Following a public memorial service at Saint James' Episcopal Church in New York City, which was attended by President Nixon, former Vice President Hubert Humphrey, New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller, and other prominent politicians, Dewey was buried next to his wife Frances in the town cemetery of Pawling, New York. After his death, his farm of Dapplemere was sold and renamed "Dewey Lane Farm" in his honor.

PUBLIC PERCEPTION

Generally Dewey received varied reactions from the public, most praising his good intentions, honesty, administrative talents, and vague yet inspiring speeches, but most also criticizing his perceived stiffness, coldness, and aggressiveness in public.

One of his biographers wrote that he had "a personality that attracted contempt and adulation in equal proportion." His friend and neighbor Lowell Thomas believed that Dewey was "an authentic colossus" whose "appetite for excellence tended to frighten less obsessive types," and his 1948 running mate, California governor and future Chief Justice Earl Warren, "professed little personal affection for Dewey, but believed him a born executive who would make a great president."

On the other hand, President Franklin D. Roosevelt privately called Dewey "the little man" and a "son of a bitch," and to Robert Taft and other conservative Republicans Dewey "became synonymous with ... New York newspapers, New York banks, New York arrogance – the very city Taft's America loves to hate."

A Taft supporter once referred to Dewey as "that snooty little governor of New York."

Dewey alienated former Republican president Herbert Hoover, who confided to a friend "Dewey has no inner reservoir of knowledge on which to draw for his thinking," elaborating that "A man couldn't wear a mustache like that without having it affect his mind." However, the famed newspaper editor William Allen White praised Dewey as "an honest cop with the mind of an honest cop" and the pollster George Gallup once stated that Dewey was "the ablest public figure of his lifetime ... the most misunderstood man in recent American history."

His presidential campaigns were hampered by Dewey's habit of making overly vague statements, defining his strategy as not being "prematurely specific" on controversial issues. In 1948, President Truman poked fun at Dewey's vague campaign by joking that the GOP (Republican Party) actually stood for "grand old platitudes." Dewey's frequent refusal to discuss specific issues and proposals in his campaigns was based partly on his belief in public opinion polls; one biographer claimed that he "had an almost religious belief in the revolutionary science of public-opinion sampling." He was the first presidential candidate to employ his own team of pollsters, and when a worried businessman told Dewey in the 1948 presidential campaign that he was losing ground to Truman and urged him to "talk specifics in his closing speeches,",Dewey and his aide Paul Lockwood displayed polling data that showed Dewey still well ahead of Truman, and Dewey told the businessman "when you're leading, don't talk."

In 1940, Walter Lippman regarded him as an opportunist, who "changes his views from hour to hour… always more concerned with taking the popular position than he is in dealing with the real issues." The journalist John Gunther wrote that:

"There are plenty of vain and ambitious and uncharming politicians. This would not be enough to cause Dewey's lack of popularity. What counts more is that so many people think of him as opportunistic. Dewey seldom goes out on a limb by taking a personal position which may be unpopular ... every step is carefully calculated and prepared."

Adding to that, he had a tendency towards pomposity and was considered stiff and unapproachable in public, with his aide Ruth McCormick Simms once describing him as "cold, cold as a February iceberg." She however added that "he was brilliant and thoroughly honest." Leo O'Brien, a reporter for the United Press International (UPI), recalled Dewey in an interview by saying that "I hated his guts when he first came to Albany, and I loved him by the time he left. It was almost tragic – how he put on a pose that alienated people. Behind a pretty thin veneer he was a wonderful guy." John Gunther wrote in 1947 that some "people may not "like" Dewey, but an inner core of advisers and friends, including some extremely distinguished people, have a loyalty to him little short of idolatrous, and he is one of the greatest vote-getters in the history of the nation."

Journalist Irwin Ross summed up the contradictions in Dewey's personality by noting that "more than most politicians, he displayed an enormous gap between his private and his public manner. To friends and colleagues he was warm and gracious, considerate of others' views… He could tell a joke and was not dismayed by an off-color story. In public, however, he tended to freeze up, either out of diffidence or too stern a sense of the dignity of office. The smiles would seem forced… the glad-handing gesture awkward." In a similar vein, a magazine writer in the 1940s described the difference between Dewey's private and public behavior by noting that "Till he gets to the door, he may be cracking jokes and laughing like a schoolboy. But the moment he enters a room he ceases to be Tom Dewey and becomes what he thinks the Governor of New York ought to be."

LEGACY

In 1964, the New York State legislature officially renamed the New York State Thruway in honor of Dewey. Signs on Interstate 95 between the end of the Bruckner Expressway (in the Bronx) and the Connecticut state line, as well as on the Thruway mainline (Interstate 87 between the Bronx-Westchester line and Albany, and Interstate 90 between Albany and the New York-Pennsylvania line) designate the name as Governor Thomas E. Dewey Thruway, though this official designation is rarely used in reference to these roads.

Dewey's official papers from his years in politics and public life were given to the University of Rochester, where they are housed in the university library and are available to historians and other writers.

In 2005, the New York City Bar Association named an award after Dewey. The Thomas E. Dewey Medal, sponsored by the law firm of Dewey & LeBoeuf LLP, is awarded annually to one outstanding Assistant District Attorney in each of New York City's five counties (New York, Kings, Queens, Bronx, and Richmond). The Medal was first awarded on November 29, 2005.

In May 2012, Dewey & LeBoeuf (the successor firm to Dewey Ballantine) filed for bankruptcy.

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* Republicans are responsible for more than 90% of "firsts" regarding the appointments, elections, and the recognition of the heritage and contributions of minorities and women, as well as in the area of conservation and preservation of American heritage.

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